Archive for the ‘Periodicals’ Category


October 14, 2008

Inter-American Division Messenger, April, 1929


Our mission is said to have the most conservative territory in Colombia. The foreigner has little chance as a merchant due to fanatical provincialism. This state of things has caused many of the most liberal families to move away from the immediate influence of the “ecclesiastical palace.”

In all our activities, we have met with opposition; and the Catholic dailies have been true to their duty to warn the public against going near us. Under these circumstances, it was hardly to be expected that we would have large audiences, as the people feared the consequences; and it was evident that our success would be, rather, in doing house to house work.

To show how closely we were watched in our activities, I will say that when I left home to help one of our native colporteurs, a telegram was sent saying the Adventists had left for the interior with large supplies of literature. The result was that the priest of the town discouraged the people from buying even our health book, and all except two merchants obeyed. In the next town, however, we were able to gain the confidence of the people through the rector of the university.

Considerable time has been consumed in finding a place of worship for our little church. Since any proprietor, who dares to rent us, shares our lot in persecution, it usually happens that we are obliged to change location about every six months.

We are deeply grateful to our present governor who has promised to protect us according to law; and we are profoundly grateful to the Lord that a recent attempt to deprive us of being tolerated as religious teachers was defeated by congress.

Our progress has not been phenomenal. But our first believers were eager to embrace the Message, and their constant missionary work has aided materially in augmenting the attendance at our meetings. A few weeks ago we had our fourth baptism.

Aside from the blessings of God, our onward march will depend on continuous distribution of literature and on house-to-house work; in the latter Mrs. Trummer takes an active part and re- places me when I am away from headquarters.

Medellin, Colombia.

Corliss On the Breckinridge Sunday Bill

June 7, 2008

American Sentinel, April 3, 1890, Vol 5, No. 14

Why Can They Not See It?

WE here present an extract from the speech of Mr. J. 0. Corliss, made at the late hearing before the Committee on District of Columbia, on the Breckinridge Sunday bill. It contains good points:—

This bill, instead of having a civil character, is a purely religious document, as you will notice by an examination of it. A civil bill can make provision for only civil matters; but this one enjoins the observance of a day, the non-observance of which is no incivility to any one. Sunday observance originated in religious worship, and has ever been regarded as a purely religious rite. Civil offenses are those which invade the rights of property or person; but if one labors on Sunday, he invades
the rights of no human being. He robs no one of any property or of a single personal right. His neighbor may observe the day if he chooses, just the same as if the other man were doing so.

It is not the day on which the act is performed which makes it civil or uncivil. It is just as wrong to strike a man in the face on Monday, as to do it on Sunday. It is just as wrong to drink whisky on Monday, as to drink it on Sunday. If it were true that the day itself could constitute an act a civil offense, then it might be argued that labor on Sunday is a civil offense. But just as soon as the position is assumed that labor is a civil offense (no matter on what day it is performed), then labor is made a crime. Therefore; “by the terms of this bill, honest labor becomes a crime, for it expressly forbids any one to perform honest labor.

It may be said that labor becomes a crime by being performed on Sunday. But if labor is a crime when done on one day of the week, it is a crime on every day of the week, since it is not the day on which a deed is done that constitutes a crime, but the deed itself must be the crime (if crime it is) on whatever day it is performed. So then, if the courts of the country recognize the principle that labor done on one day is a crime, when on all other days of the week the same labor would be lawful, then they really legalize crime on every day of the week except that one. This shows the falsity of the claim that this bill is a civil one.

But it may be said that it is the disturbance to others, by the performance of Sunday labor, that constitutes it a crime. But why should Sunday labor disturb another any more than that which is done on any othor day of the week? Manifestly, only because it is thought to be religiously wrong. In other words, such disturbance can only be of a mental character. For instance, when I go out into my garden and quietly work, or even go out on the street and work on Sunday, I have taken nothing from any man. I do not deprive him of his right to keep the day. Then wherein is the disturbance? Certainly not in the deprivation of rights. It must then only be a mental disturbance. Upon this point, allow me to cite the decision of Judge Walton, of Lewiston, Maine, in a case where a man was prosecuted for drawing cordwood through the streets on Sunday. In his charge to the jury the Judge said that his impression was that the complaint could not be maintained, for the defendant had quietly and in an unobtrusive manner hauled his wood, without coming into the immediate neighborhood of a meeting. The prosecuting attorney suggested that it might have been where people were returning home from church. But the Judge decided that that would be but a mental operation, a matter of the mind, of conscience, because they thought it wrong, that it did not look right. “For my part,” he says, “I do not see why any one driving quietly along with his load on one day of the week should cause any more disturbance than on any other day of the week. It only disturbs people because they think it wrong.” And this is the basis of all Sunday legislation. People think Sunday work to be wrong, and are therefore disturbed because some one else does not believe just the same as they do in the matter.

But if. mental disturbance constitutes a civil offense, then the preaching of opinions diverse from those of the majority of people is also a civil offense, and is indictable in the courts of the country; for, as you have seen to-day by the personalities indulged in, there are men who are more or less disturbed by such work. It is thus easy to see that such reasoning would quickly deprive the minority of all their religious rights. Let such a bill as this pass and it would be but another step to make all mental disturbance on Sunday a crime. Then woe betide the man who dared publicly to proclaim any religious views on that day not in harmony with his neighbor!

There is danger in taking the first step in religious legislation. It is every one’s privilege to keep the Sabbath, —not as a civil duty, but as a religious duty. That is, however, a matter belonging, wholly to individuals as a right of conscience, with which the courts have nothing to do, except to protect each one from disturbance in his devotions. But this bill is not necessary for that purpose, for every State and Territory in this Union has already a law providing that religious meetings, held on any day of the week, shall be protected from disturbance.

I wish here to reiterate the statement, that; Sunday was set apart only for a religious reason; and I will submit, on this point, an extract from the argument of Rufus King, made before the Superior Court of Cincinnati, in the well known case which was tried to decide the question as to whether or not the Bible should be taught in the public schools of that city. Mr. King was attempting to show, in support of having the Bible taught as part of the public education, that it was the province of the State to enforce religion. And to prove his position true he cited the Sunday law of that State, saying:—

The proviso of the Sunday law exempts those only who conscientiously observe the seventh day of the week as the Sabbath. Why are they exempted? Why, but because they religiously observe another Sabbath? Why, then, does the law of Ohio enforce the observance of Sunday?—Manifestly because it is religious.

Then he says, upon the same point: “The same law makes it a penal offense to profanely swear by the name of God, Jesus Christ, or the Holy Ghost.” This last statement of his is to show that the Sunday law of Ohio is wholly religious.

In this connection let me say, gentlemen, that the District of Columbia has just the same kind of Sunday law as that of Ohio. This law of the District of Columbia was in force when this book was issued which I hold in my hand, which was April 1, 1868; and I am told that this law (which I will read) was reenacted in 1874. I quote from the law. Section 1 provides that—

If any person shall deny the Trinity, he shall, for the first offense, be bored through the tongue, and fined twenty pounds, . . . and for the second of- fense, the Offender being thereof convict as afore- said, shall be stigmatized by burning on the fore- head with the letter B, and fined forty pounds, . . . and for the third offense, the offender being thereof convict ,a$ aforesaid, shall suffer death, without the benefit of the clergy.

, Section 10 of the same law has this:—

No person whatever shall do any bodily labor on the Lord’s day, commonly called Sunday, . . . and that every person transgressing this act, and being thereof Convict by the evidence of one sufficient witness, or confession of the party, before a civil magistrate, shall forfeit two hundred pounds of tobacco. ‘

Now, gentlemen, that law has never been repealed. • ‘ •

Mr. GROUT: Don’t you think it ought to be repealed ?

Mr, COELISS: I think all Sunday laws are unconstitutional, and should not exist. But I was about to say that this law does still exist; and by reference to the statutes of the District of Columbia it will be seen that the police of the city of Washington are obliged to enforce that law. I read:—

It shall be the duty of the Board of Police, at all times of the day or night, within the boundary of said Polices District, to see that all laws relative to the observance of Sunday are promptly enforced.

Now, why has not this law been enforced ? Certainly not because there is no such law, but because it is part of a stat- ute savoring so strongly of the Dark Ages as to make every one ashamed of it. But it is this kind of company in which Sun- day laws’were originally found; and that is where they belong, for they are but a relic of the old system of Church and State. Indeed, this law now in force in the District Is as near to representing a Church and State power as it could well be.

Again: if this bill contemplates only a civil law, what right has it to exempt from its penalty a person, simply because he may hold a certain religious faith? According to the provisions of this bill, a man who has a certain religious faith may do what another man without such a religious .faith cannot do. This shows that it is re- ligious, and not civil. It matters not what a man’s religious faith is, it cannot exempt him from the penalties provided by law against civil offenses, for the reason that a man’s religious faith cannot determine his innocence in such a case. It is just as wrong for a professed Christian to be found fighting in the street as for an avowed in- fidel; and it is no greater offense for an infidel to be thus engaged than for a Chris- tian. These things are recognized by the courts.

Take, for example, the law against po- lygamy. It does not exempt a man who happens to have a peculiar religious faith in relation thereto., Not by any means. One who believes it right, religiously, to violate that law, finds no favor because of his religious belief. Why is this ?—Simply because the law against polygamy is held to be purely a civil law. In fact, a civil law can do nothing else than to hold every offender guilty, whoever he may be, or whatever may be his religious faith. Any exemption in a law in favor of a certain religious belief immediately stamps the law as religious. , But according to this bill, a law may be enacted which will rec- ognize one man as a criminal because he lacks certain elements in his religious be- lief, while another man having these ele- ments may be considered a good citizen, even though he has done the very same act by which the other man was adjudged guilty; and the framers of this bill must – be marvellously dull of comprehension not to be able to see it. ‘ -.

A Hearing on the Breckinridge Sunday Bill

June 7, 2008

A Hearing on the Breckinridge Sunday Bill.

TUESDAY, February 18, (1890) there was held a hearing by the House Committee on the District of Columbia, in the committee-room in the capitol, on the Breckinridge Sunday bill.

In favor of the bill there appeared and spoke, Rev. George Elliot, Rev. J. H. Elliott, ‘Mr. H. J. Schulteis,—Knight of Labor—Mr. Inglis, and Rev. W. F. Crafts.

Against the bill there appeared and spoke, Elder J. 0. Corliss, of Washington City, Mr. Millard F. Hobbs—District Master Workman Knights of Labor, and Alonzo T. Jones of the SENTINEL; and Prof. H. W. McKee, Secretary of the Religious Liberty Association, submitted a brief.

Corliss’ speech impressed Jones to the extent that Jones planned to publish the whole speech in the future. In this edition, Jones reports on the event before Congress.

A Sunday-law Conviction in Georgia

June 7, 2008

The American Sentinel, 1889, Vol 4, #35

A Sunday-law Conviction in Georgia.

THE following is from the Atlanta Comtlitution of August 30:—

The conviction in Forsyth County of a man named Conklin, who was charged with chopping wood on Sunday, has created a decided sensation among the Seventh-day Advontists in Georgia.

The announcement of the conviction was made in the Constitution yesterday.

Rev. J. O. Corliss was in Atlanta yesterday and talked at length about the case.

” The witnesses testified,” said he, ” that they saw him chopping saplings j list back of his house, but did not know what he was chopping them for. On being questioned, one of them said he lived within one hundred and fifty yards of the defendant’s house, but had never seen him work on Sunday before. And yet he was convicted by a jury of twelve men and fined $25 and costs, amounting in all to $46.80.

“Now, in the ordinary course of events it would not be strange to fine a man convicted for viohiting the laws of the State. But it seems that this man had done no more than all his neighbors had done, that is, chop a little wood for immediate use, as a necessity. In fact, one of the witnesses it is said, has frequently driven his team all day Sunday to be at the market in Atlanta early Monday morning.”

” What is the reason for the conviction, then ?

“Simply this: The poor man happened to have a conscience which led him to observe Saturday, the seventh day of the week, instead of Sunday, the first day of” the week. He is a good citizen, pays all his honest debts, and is respected by all as a man. But it seems that the people of that vicinity have a corner on religion and are determined that no one shall indulge in a belief that is not received from them. At least, one would think so from the plea made before the jury by the State’s attorney. They wanted to teach the defendant that he could not come into that county and overturn the Sabbath of their forefathers.

” You may talk about your jute bagging trusts and sugar trusts, but a religious trust is the most dangerous of all, and the more detrimental to the interests of the country, because it is more tyrannical aiid generates more bad blood. If this man, Conklin, had not actually violated the law of the State, and the State’s witness failed to show that he had, on what principle of right and justice was he thus deprived of his hard earnings, to say nothing of being subjected to the odium of being thus arraigned as a criminal ?

” The State’s attorneys took a religious view of the case,” continued Mr. Corliss. ” They contended that the Adventists were trying to displace the Sabbath of our forefathers, and to overturn the religion of all past generations. Colouel T. L. Lewis, of Alpharetta, and Colouel Philipps, of Marietta, argued that it was unjust to punish the man for working on Sunday, as his conscience led him to observe Saturday as the Sabbath, and he had kept it sacred. They also claimed that he was chopping wood for household purposes. But he was convicted; and, to show their appreciation of his condition, as Conklin is very poor, Colonel Philipps and Colonel Lewis each gave him $10 towards paying his fine.”